An Article by Kelly-Daniel Oshiogwemue, 2025 EPLF Fellow

Nigeria’s political landscape is characterized by charismatic leaders, passionate rallies, and soaring election promises across stadiums. However, underneath this vibrant display lies a deeper question that could shape and reshape Nigeria’s democratic future: can internal democracy within political parties unlock Nigeria’s dormant potential? According to Larry Diamond, a political scientist, “democracy is not just about elections; it’s about building institutions that give people a voice in their own governance.” This perspective exposes the contradictions in Nigeria’s democratic practice, where party structures mirror the despotism they publicly oppose. As a matter of fact, Nigeria political parties, especially the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which function through prominent centralization have turned their party primaries into a coronation exercise with candidates handpicked by godfathers in backroom deals. The 2022 APC and PDP presidential primary exemplified this when Bola Tinubu and Atiku Abubakar emerged victorious in their respective parties amid allegations that delegates responded to financial inducements rather than policy platforms. These parties usually demand democratic participation from citizens but deny it to their own members, making mockery of democracy. 

Both Germany’s Social Democratic Party and Canada’s Liberal Party demonstrate democracy’s transformative power. Faced with electoral failure in the 2000s, the SDP deepened internal democracy through the introduction of binding member votes and leadership decisions, which led to the party return to power in 2021 under Olaf Scholz. Similarly, the LP deepened internal democracy after devastating losses by opening its leadership contests to all supporters and implemented transparent policy development. The result saw the emergence of Justin Trudeau and his electoral success at the polls. These examples clearly reveal the potency of internal democracy in delivering strategic advantages, not just moral satisfaction. There’s always a price to pay for exclusion as experienced by the PDP when it faced internal crises in 2013-2014. This internal crisis that triggered mass defections including five governors, wasn’t caused by ideological differences but lack of inclusion in decision making. These destructive cycles have seen talented individuals avoiding party politics, knowing that their advancement depends on connections over competence, coronations over competitions. Internal democracy has profound economic implications as it gives parties the opportunity to develop coherent policies and encourage policy debates. Research has shown that countries with robust internal party democracy consistently rank higher on governance indicators, attracting more FDIs and development aid.

Remarkably, Nigeria’s democratic transformation requires just simple reforms: transparent delegate selection, open policy debates and genuine membership participation in candidate selection. These simple reforms with significant dividends will attract young professionals and civil society activists, who are demonstrating the hunger for authentic democratic participation. Nigeria’s extraordinary human capital potential remains partially locked because political parties refused to channel diverse voices into meaningful governance. Although internal democracy may not solve all Nigeria’s challenges, it will unleash the creative energy currently suppressed by authoritarian party structures. Citizens will only invest more deeply in democratic processes when they see their voices matter within parties. True democratic potential starts within the party, not at the ballot!

Note: All of these are our fellow’s thoughts.

An Article by Femi Oladele, 2025 EPLF Fellow

Hunger, truly, hurts and food is its only solution! Not soothing words, nor promises, just good food. But how far can food go in resolving the myriads of challenges facing our people? Some say, we can begin to reason and innovate when our stomachs are full; I agree largely.

Unfortunately, it is generally difficult to really pinpoint the desires and triggers of the electorates in Africa. For example, political analysts have long argued that hunger and poverty are weapons of some sort which politicians deploy for electoral victory. It has also been argued that instant good deeds during elections potentially erase the memories of previous sufferings among Nigerians. So, when Ayodele Fayose coined ‘stomach infrastructure’ in 2014, he knew electorates’ voting strength is influenced significantly by a ‘healthy stomach’ in line with a Yoruba adage that ‘Okun inú la fi n gbé tita’. Just as it was predicted that one of the main reasons for Peter Obi’s failure in the 2023 polls will be his lack of stomach infrastructure, how long can we continue to hold on to catering to stomach infrastructure as the winning political strategy especially when hurriedly done for the sole purpose of winning an election? 

Based on certain electoral choices in Nigeria’s fourth republic, it is hard to divorce Rice from campaigns and elections. It is even harder to reconcile the need for intellectual- and competence-based political strategy with the realities of handing Rice to key stakeholders including electorates. For Rice to carry electoral value, it means that it is an improvised impoverishing tool. Unfortunately, many times, Rice flow is one-off, leading to emotional resentment shortly after elections are over.

More specifically, stomach infrastructure singly for election purposes is not only unethical, but also illegal and preys on the sensibilities of electorates who appear caught in-between the prangs of poverty and the biting effect of hunger. Nigerian electorates are not decrepit, nor politically unaware not to understand intelligent political reasoning, but it appears that political response is complicated with Rice as the silver bullet. They say, “all their blabbing will be solved with Rice” How callous and unfair!

Electorates need to express their desires in uncomplicated ways to activate a clear version of their need by stating in very clear terms that while Rice can solve their immediate needs, it cannot solve the need for attention to security, infrastructure, energy, social protection and other public goods that should be common. When are we going to see electorates that reason uncomplicatedly, reject Rice as their primary need and just ask for RICE – Reassured Institutional and Collective Excellence?

Femi Oladele is a Public Policy Enthusiast and can be reached via email at  olafemidele@gmail.com 

Note: All these are our fellow’s thoughts.

Campaign seasons in Nigeria have always fascinated me. Since my debut in 2003, I have never missed one. They are theatres of drama, often resembling the legendary sitcom Fuji House of Commotion. Parties and their candidates march out in colourful processions, making grand promises: boreholes in wards, jobs for every youth, roads to every village. The applause is loud, the hope is high. Yet, once the ballots are counted and victory songs fade, citizens are left with a familiar emptiness. Promises evaporate, and the cycle of disappointment fuels the deep voter apathy haunting our democracy. 

Breaking this cycle requires leaders who will move beyond just selling their visions to co-creating commitments with the people. This is where the idea of a pre-election social contract becomes crucial. It is not a legal document but a living pact between candidates and citizens. One shaped collectively, documented publicly, and tracked openly. Rather than declaring, “Here is what I will do for you,” leaders should ask, “What shall we do together, and how will we hold each other to it?”

Trust sits at the heart of this contract. It is a moral obligation. I learnt of the belief system of some of our old political leaders who believed that “if we can share a meal, then you wouldn’t betray my trust” Today, the burden is heavier: leaders must demonstrate credibility through transparent action. 

Promises without community buy-in rarely endure but when people are deliberately engaged in setting priorities, it helps them see projects beyond the scope of some bestowed gifts. That sense of ownership is what guarantees sustainability.

In 2015, Kaduna piloted community scorecards in health centres, letting citizens rate services and suggest improvements. If political aspirants embraced such tools before elections, their agendas would reflect real needs, not turanshi.

Democracy works best with active citizenship. And at its core, a social contract rests on three pillars: listening as part of legitimacy, co-creation as commitment, and accountability from day one. This means candidates walking the streets, joining traders at dawn, visiting farms, and quietly attending ward meetings; not just to campaign, but to listen and act accordingly. Governor Lam Adesina once kept a public diary of constituency visits and responses. Today’s aspirants can go further, publishing m

easurable commitments both online and offline to show that service begins before elections.

Skeptics may argue politics moves too fast for such investments. But leaders who take time to forge genuine, co-owned commitments enter office with enough moral capital and political cover all on the platter of a social contract. A social contract agreed before the polls will become a compass in the noise of governance and a shield against expediency.

Nigerians deserve better than a political sitcom staged by leaders who remember the people only before they taste victory. Trust must rest not on the lone voice of a candidate, but on the collective chorus of a people who have been heard and know they will be heard again.

Note: These are all our fellow’s thoughts.

In every election cycle, Nigeria’s streets are filled with posters, promises, and political speeches. Yet, the real force that can alter the nation’s trajectory is not found in government offices alone, it is in the hands of its young people. Youths are not just the future; they are the decisive force today. The question is: will we shape tomorrow now, or let others decide for us? Democracy thrives when citizens vote, question, hold leaders accountable, and influence policy. Yet, many young Nigerians avoid politics, seeing it as “dirty” or believing their voices don’t matter, leaving space for self-serving actors. The #NotTooYoungToRun movement proved otherwise; in 2018, it reduced age limits for political office through youth-led advocacy. That reform did not come from political elites, it came from young people who organized, campaigned, and refused to stay silent. 

From Street Corners to Decision Tables

It is not enough to complain about bad governance on social media. Young Nigerians must be present where decisions are made. That means joining political parties, attending community meetings, and volunteering in civic campaigns. Take the example of Olumide Oworu, a young actor and activist who contested for a seat in the Lagos State House of Assembly in 2023. Though he did not win, his candidacy sparked conversations about youth participation and inspired many to consider political leadership as a viable path. Even those who run and lose help shift the narrative, proving that politics is not reserved for the old guard. Shaping Nigeria’s democratic future is not just about winning elections; it’s also about influencing culture, values, and public policy. Youth-led groups like BudgIT are transforming how Nigerians understand budgets, driving transparency and accountability. More so, tech-savvy youths now monitor elections, fact-check claims, and educate voters. If every young person taught just five others to verify candidates’ promises before voting, it could shift election results beyond the influence of political money.

The Call to Action: Choosing Tomorrow Today

Democracy is like a garden; it grows where it is cultivated and withers where it is ignored. If Nigerian youths do not plant seeds of integrity, participation, and innovation today, the harvest tomorrow will be disappointment and regret. Therefore, choosing tomorrow today means:

1. Registering and voting in every election.

2. Joining or supporting civic movements.

3. Holding leaders accountable after elections.

4. Building skills and credibility to lead when the time comes.

Conclusion 

The story of Nigeria’s democracy will be written by those who show up. Every generation gets a chance to shape history. The time is now! Whether you are a young voter, a community leader, or a parent, your actions today decide whether Nigeria’s future will be brighter or bleaker. The question remains: will we stand by and watch, or will we choose tomorrow today? The answer will define not just our politics, but our destiny.

Note: These are all thoughts of our fellow!

In Nigeria, the word “empowerment” is often used, but it has sadly lost its true meaning. We see politicians giving out wheelbarrows, clippers, sewing machines, and bags of rice. These items are shared during campaigns or public events, with cameras flashing and speeches made. But once the moment passes, the people are left with little or nothing to truly change their lives.

This kind of “empowerment” may help for a day, but it does not lift anyone out of poverty. It does not create jobs or open real opportunities. It does not give people the tools to build a better future. What Nigerians truly need is not charity, but a lasting solution. That solution is education.

Education is the most powerful form of empowerment. It teaches people how to think, speak, build, and grow. With education, a child from a poor village can become a doctor, an engineer, or a leader. A young girl can dream beyond early marriage and grow into a strong woman with a voice in her community. A boy who once had nothing can learn skills that help him create jobs for others.

Sadly, Nigeria has one of the highest numbers of out-of-school children in the world. Many schools lack basic things like chairs, books, toilets, or even safe buildings. Teachers are poorly paid and often not well trained. In some areas, children must walk long distances or face danger just to attend class. Girls face even more challenges due to poverty, tradition, and fear.

This is heartbreaking. A country with so many young people should see education as a national treasure. No nation can grow if its people are not educated. Countries that focused on education have seen great progress. Their people are more skilled, more united, and more peaceful.

If our leaders are serious about helping the people, then education must be the number one priority. Schools should be safe and welcoming. Teachers should be respected and trained. Learning should be for all—boys and girls, rich and poor, in cities and in villages.

But this is not just the job of the government. Parents, communities, churches, mosques, and even private companies must all join hands. Education is everyone’s responsibility. When one child is educated, a whole family can rise. When a community learns, it begins to grow. And when a nation invests in learning, it builds a future that is strong and bright.

The truth is simple. Free items may help for a moment, but only education brings lasting change. It is the key that opens doors. It is the light that drives away ignorance and fear. It is the real empowerment Nigeria needs and deserves.

Let us stop settling for less. Let us demand more for our children. Because with education, everything becomes possible.

Note: These are our fellows thoughts

The Nigerian constitution is more than just a set of rules,  It shapes how we live together, how we solve our problems, and how we treat one another. Now, with the 2025 review underway in Nigeria, there’s a real sense that something important is happening—a chance for all Nigerians to feel seen and heard.

But let’s be honest: many ordinary people wonder if this time will really be different. Will this review finally help us move past old divisions and biases? Or will it just repeat the mistakes of the past?

Why This Moment Matters

For years, our constitution has been both a source of hope and frustration, when it works, it brings order and fairness. But when some groups feel left out or treated unfairly, it can lead to anger and distrust. 

This review isn’t just about changing words on paper. It’s about making every Nigerian, no matter their tribe, religion, or background, feel like they truly belong.

How Can We Get It Right This Time?

1. Listen—Really Listen—to Everyone

Nigeria is full of different voices. Too often, only the loudest or most powerful get heard, this time, village leaders, market women, students, elders, and young people all deserve a seat at the table. 

2. Let the Sun Shine In

People trust what they can see,  when meetings are open, when decisions are shared, when the public can read drafts and ask questions, the whole country feels included. 

It’s tempting to focus on what’s best for our own group, but Nigeria is bigger than any one tribe or region. True unity means making sure everyone’s rights are protected—especially those who are often ignored.

4. Tell Us Why

Every change should come with a simple, honest explanation. Why is this being changed? Who does it help? If people understand the reasons, they’re more likely to support the process—and trust the outcome.

A Call to Nigeria’s Young Leaders

As an Emerging Political Leadership Fellow, I have learned that the strength of a constitution lies in its fairness and the trust it inspires. Young Nigerians, like myself, have a duty to stand up for honesty, openness, and fairness in this review. We must speak for those who are not heard, demand transparency, and encourage civic education so that all Nigerians understand what is at stake.

I see this review as a real test of our maturity as a country, Young people  are watching. We want leaders to be open, fair, and courageous. We want to be included, not just as a formality, but because our voices matter. We want to help build a Nigeria where no one feels like a stranger in their own land.

A New Beginning Is Possible

The 2025 constitutional review is more than politics—it’s about our shared future. If we can be honest with each other, listen deeply, and stay open to every Nigerian’s story, we can come out of this process stronger and more united.

This is our moment, Let’s get it right.

The children of the poor you fail to train today will never let your children have peace.

~ Obafemi Awolowo

Our attitude toward the burdens others carry mirrors the depth of our responsibility as citizens and leaders. Pa Awolowo’s words remind us that neglecting the education and welfare of the vulnerable is not merely a governance failure but a betrayal of our future. Wounds left untreated inevitably return to haunt both the privileged and the powerless.

This is why governance in Nigeria’s broken places must move beyond ceasefires. From the villages of Plateau to the oil-slicked creeks of the Niger Delta, violence leaves scars not only on land but also on civic trust and the State’s legitimacy. These wounds won’t heal through technical fixes. They cannot mend what violence has broken in human relationships. A bridge may reconnect towns, but only trust reconnects people.

Our communities need stewards, not saviours. Leaders who listen, heal, and restore dignity. Empathy is not weakness but a deliberate choice that prioritizes listening over decrees, healing over optics, and reconciliation over electoral gains. Though often dismissed in our politics as performance, history shows empathy heals. Mandela knew this when he wore the Springboks jersey in 1995, binding pain and fear in a shared future.

Listening is not passive; it is active governance. Listening gathers intelligence beyond policy briefs: fears, hopes, grievances hidden beneath silence or wrapped in anger. Empathetic leaders don’t govern from reports alone. They attend town halls, peace dialogues, and unmediated conversations where communities speak their truth in their own language.

In places where machetes once spoke louder than ballots, a leader who cannot feel people’s pain cannot govern peaceably. Empathy does not weaken firmness; it sharpens it. In compassionate hands, power becomes a scalpel, not a cudgel. It is humane and restorative. It makes the difficult conversations necessary for reconciliation possible: between herders and farmers, displaced persons and hosts, survivors and returnees.

Some say empathy has no place in Nigeria’s tough politics, that security must come first, not dialogue. They see empathy as weakness. But empathy is no substitute for security or reform; it strengthens them. Without trust, no project or policy endures. Governor Mimiko’s tenure in Ondo, while engaging the oil-producing communities of Ilaje and Ese-Odo, demonstrated how inclusion of women’s cooperatives, local militias, and traditional councils transformed adversaries into stakeholders. His administration’s maternal health interventions were more than public health policy. They were political gestures of empathy to restore the state’s image as a caregiver.

Leadership in post-conflict Nigeria demands investment in peace education and trauma counseling. It requires leaders who see beyond ethnic arithmetic to the deeper work of stitching torn social fabrics. These yield no immediate political dividends but prevent future bloodshed. Governance at its best is stewardship of trust, memory, and futures yet unborn.

The real question for Nigeria’s future leaders is not how to wield power, but how to heal with it. Only then can power become redemptive, transformative, and leadership truly worthy of those it serves.

Ajibola Oladiipo

All professions have a tripartite model with both front-facing and back-office dynamics. I call it the 3 x 2 (3 by 2) professional matrix. Apologies if you are offended by the reference to politics as a profession, because amongst other things there has been an advocacy for a shift to part-time political officeholding as well as the concept of a ‘first address’ asides a political ‘second address’. While this is understandable given the endogenous challenges that have persistently rebuked common sense in our polity, it is also important to demystify the political landscape to improve greater understanding, participation, and commitment that can birth productive and positive change. I must mention that there is a knowledge gap about the structure of professions because many people are more familiar with practice (or in this instance, political practice), while policy and research are mostly unknown or considered insignificant. For example, I laugh when people randomly assume that a Political Scientist should ordinarily make a good politician; unfortunately, history has proved otherwise in many instances. This article explores the dynamics of the tripartite model in politics, opening vistas on significantly taken-for-granted dynamics that pave ways for proper and effective engagement in politics especially among young people.

Take a moment: consider a profession as a game – think Football. So, practice operationalizes the game: think players on the pitch. Policy deals with the rules of the game – consider referees, while research reviews the game like sport analysts. Each with its own rules of engagement and performance index. A forward player is judged by how many goals scored, while a defender is judged by how many goals or attempts stopped. A referee is judged by fair play rules enforced. A sport analyst is judged by unbiased assessment of a game. 

In and for politics, this is no different. Practice showcases politicians including aspiring and elected officials, party(wo)men, and others directly involved in politicking. Policymakers find expression in regulations and compliance such as officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and others who enforce, review, revise, and keep tabs on compliance to electoral laws, guidelines and principles. Researchers are civil society organisations, academics and other interested parties who look at both policy and practice, understand their interplay to generate meanings which can be sociological, economic or otherwise. Given their obsession with data, researchers are a warehouse of knowledge. Young people who desire to practice politics can benefit from the wealth of experience and knowledge generated by researchers to better understand the landscape and apply their insights appropriately.

As young people, understanding where you desire to play in the model is significant for appreciating your contributions to the ‘game’. This is important to enforce continuous innovation in politics. Recall for example that before now Video Assistant Referee (VAR) did not exist in Football. Your participation in the game of politics can improve the game, rules, and quality of commentaries. Would you rather remain a disinterested complainer and murmurer?

___________________

Femi Oladele is a Public Policy Enthusiast and can be reached via email at  olafemidele@gmail.com

As Henry Kissinger reflects in his book Leadership, political legitimacy rests not only on effective governance but on the ability of leaders to embody the identity and aspirations of the people. This truth is especially urgent in Nigeria, where the gulf between citizens and the state has widened into a chasm of distrust. For many, the government feels distant and unresponsive. What our government does most of the time is to pass information without meaningful dialogue, often triggering public backlash. The promise of participatory democracy has faded, and has been replaced by elections marred by apathy and manipulation. Our democratic institutions remain in form, but their spirit is withering.

Restoring civic trust requires more than electoral reforms. It demands a renewal of public discourse, debates and engagement. Town halls and podcasts, often dismissed as trendy formats, are in fact powerful democratic tools. They create an opportunity for citizens to see, hear, and speak with those who govern them. 

In a country scarred by post-independence authoritarianism, military rule, and democratic dysfunction, such direct engagement is essential. From the annulment of the 1993 elections to the impunity of the Fourth Republic, Nigerians have learned to expect little and participate even less. The dysfunction has bred disengagement, protest voting, and a quiet retreat from public affairs. Rebuilding trust starts with leaders listening painstakingly and showing up with presence, not just power.

Town halls  should be open, participatory forums for dialogue between leaders and citizens. When properly planned and regularly convened, they offer a space where democracy becomes visible and engaging. They offer four critical benefits:

• Proximity: reducing the emotional and physical distance between leaders and constituents.
• Accountability: compelling leaders to explain actions in plain language to the people they serve especially those who do not own smartphones
• Deliberation: facilitating grassroots input on public priorities.
• Symbolic Renewal: embodying democracy as dialogue, not monologue.

But town halls must be frequent, decentralized, multilingual, inclusive, and publicly accessible online and offline. 

Unlike town halls, podcasts offer flexibility and digital scalability. Podcasts break away from the rigidity of state-owned media, allowing for plural narratives. Leaders, civil society actors, and youth voices can use this platform to humanize policy, share the story behind decisions, and engage in honest reflection. Listeners can respond via comments, emails, or social shares.

A local government chairman could host a weekly podcast explaining budgets, responding to questions, and spotlighting community heroes. The effect would not merely be informational but inspirational. Through transparency  and consistency, it will rekindle a fire in the people and restore trust in that system. 

Town halls and podcasts can rebuild trust by making leadership more present, honest, and connected. When used consistently, they shift politics from performance to participation. We would have created a political culture where leaders listen, not just to speak, and citizens are truly heard. These simple tools can transform governance into a shared, ongoing conversation, that  gather insights, clarify issues, and demonstrate commitment.

In the sacred space between call (voice) and response, democracy can be reborn.

Note: All of these are thoughts from our fellows.

Elections and the electioneering process in Nigeria have always been characterized by all forms of undemocratic activities and violence. Notable instances are the Kano riot, the Eastern Regional crisis of 1953, the Action Group crisis of 1962, the Western Nigeria election crisis of 1965, and the annulled June 12, 1993 elections.

A critical analysis of these cases exposes a pattern of violence, thuggery, intimidation and various forms of vicious assaults and scheming in our politics. As time went on, the pattern of elections began to change, especially as democracy returned in 1999. Money, which has always played a prominent role in who wins an election, took a different dimension.

Though inducement of party chiefs and other critical stakeholders has always been one of the negative uses of money during elections, giving out money to electorates in exchange of votes which has equally been a usual occurrence has now taken on a dangerous dimension, in the name of vote commoditization.

Vote buying and selling is described as an act where parties, their agents and voters engage in trading activities as men would buy and sell pepper, but here the trading commodity in this instance are votes. Since it’s transactional and money is involved, the highest bidder usually gets the highest votes. The idea of vote buying and selling to a very large extent reduced the hitherto known menace of election violence.

What however many fail to understand is that another cancerous development is fast creeping into our political system. In that it became more ‘fashionable’ to ‘buy’ votes and induce voters than to ‘arrange’ thugs to disrupt elections or snatch the ballot boxes. Our politics moved from frying pan to an ‘emerging’ fire, one that is fast becoming an inferno.

Party agents, who already know registered voters within their wards/ units, go to them and promise them certain amounts of money in exchange for votes. The amount is usually dependent on the neighborhood; that is, the social class in which the electorates belong, and also, what is at stake for the contestants. In fact, in some communities, mere sharing of material things, like clothing, wrappers, cooked food, like jollof rice on the election days, with some cash, say 5000 naira is enough to buy a voter over. How pathetic!

This development has badly damaged our system to the point that someone with little idea about governance, a man who is not in the least prepared for an elective position can wake up one day and decide to run for political office just because he has the ‘money’ to buy his way into power. Sadly, a man that buys his way into power will forever feel he does not owe the people any form of accountability. At least, he ‘paid in full’ for the votes, and a man can do whatever he likes with whatever he buys with his money. That is how far money has ruined our politics.

There are quite a number of reasons why vote buying is prevalent today. These can be seen both from the angle of the politicians and that of the electorates, since it takes two to tango. If there are no buyers, sellers will have nothing to offer, and vice versa. Past experiences, where office holders failed to fulfill campaign promises have made some voters loose trust in the electoral system. Thus, they see getting money or any other kind of inducement as their ‘only gain’ from the government. Greed, illiteracy, ignorance, poverty and negative outlook are some of other reasons people sell their votes. On the other hand, desperation, lack of ideology to run with, capitalizing on the ignorance of the people, and the fact that some politicians see politics as an investment, are some of the reasons people buy votes.

There are two levels of vote buying; the primary election level, also known as delegate level, and the general election level, which is that of the electorates. Strangely, just like common commodities, votes can also be bought on a wholesale or retail scale. When politicians and their agents deal with electorates on an individual basis, that is retail buying. Wholesale buying is when deals are made on a collective bargain. In some cases, votes can be paid for in advance or even on credit (rarely though).

Putting a stop to this problem might be a difficult one, considering all the approaches involved, but it is not an impossible task. Solution? Until Nigerians begin to see this menace as a threat to our collective existence, and serious consequences are attached to this crime, no clear change can be made.

Note: All of these are thoughts from our fellows