In Nigeria, the word “empowerment” is often used, but it has sadly lost its true meaning. We see politicians giving out wheelbarrows, clippers, sewing machines, and bags of rice. These items are shared during campaigns or public events, with cameras flashing and speeches made. But once the moment passes, the people are left with little or nothing to truly change their lives.

This kind of “empowerment” may help for a day, but it does not lift anyone out of poverty. It does not create jobs or open real opportunities. It does not give people the tools to build a better future. What Nigerians truly need is not charity, but a lasting solution. That solution is education.

Education is the most powerful form of empowerment. It teaches people how to think, speak, build, and grow. With education, a child from a poor village can become a doctor, an engineer, or a leader. A young girl can dream beyond early marriage and grow into a strong woman with a voice in her community. A boy who once had nothing can learn skills that help him create jobs for others.

Sadly, Nigeria has one of the highest numbers of out-of-school children in the world. Many schools lack basic things like chairs, books, toilets, or even safe buildings. Teachers are poorly paid and often not well trained. In some areas, children must walk long distances or face danger just to attend class. Girls face even more challenges due to poverty, tradition, and fear.

This is heartbreaking. A country with so many young people should see education as a national treasure. No nation can grow if its people are not educated. Countries that focused on education have seen great progress. Their people are more skilled, more united, and more peaceful.

If our leaders are serious about helping the people, then education must be the number one priority. Schools should be safe and welcoming. Teachers should be respected and trained. Learning should be for all—boys and girls, rich and poor, in cities and in villages.

But this is not just the job of the government. Parents, communities, churches, mosques, and even private companies must all join hands. Education is everyone’s responsibility. When one child is educated, a whole family can rise. When a community learns, it begins to grow. And when a nation invests in learning, it builds a future that is strong and bright.

The truth is simple. Free items may help for a moment, but only education brings lasting change. It is the key that opens doors. It is the light that drives away ignorance and fear. It is the real empowerment Nigeria needs and deserves.

Let us stop settling for less. Let us demand more for our children. Because with education, everything becomes possible.

Note: These are our fellows thoughts

The Nigerian constitution is more than just a set of rules,  It shapes how we live together, how we solve our problems, and how we treat one another. Now, with the 2025 review underway in Nigeria, there’s a real sense that something important is happening—a chance for all Nigerians to feel seen and heard.

But let’s be honest: many ordinary people wonder if this time will really be different. Will this review finally help us move past old divisions and biases? Or will it just repeat the mistakes of the past?

Why This Moment Matters

For years, our constitution has been both a source of hope and frustration, when it works, it brings order and fairness. But when some groups feel left out or treated unfairly, it can lead to anger and distrust. 

This review isn’t just about changing words on paper. It’s about making every Nigerian, no matter their tribe, religion, or background, feel like they truly belong.

How Can We Get It Right This Time?

1. Listen—Really Listen—to Everyone

Nigeria is full of different voices. Too often, only the loudest or most powerful get heard, this time, village leaders, market women, students, elders, and young people all deserve a seat at the table. 

2. Let the Sun Shine In

People trust what they can see,  when meetings are open, when decisions are shared, when the public can read drafts and ask questions, the whole country feels included. 

It’s tempting to focus on what’s best for our own group, but Nigeria is bigger than any one tribe or region. True unity means making sure everyone’s rights are protected—especially those who are often ignored.

4. Tell Us Why

Every change should come with a simple, honest explanation. Why is this being changed? Who does it help? If people understand the reasons, they’re more likely to support the process—and trust the outcome.

A Call to Nigeria’s Young Leaders

As an Emerging Political Leadership Fellow, I have learned that the strength of a constitution lies in its fairness and the trust it inspires. Young Nigerians, like myself, have a duty to stand up for honesty, openness, and fairness in this review. We must speak for those who are not heard, demand transparency, and encourage civic education so that all Nigerians understand what is at stake.

I see this review as a real test of our maturity as a country, Young people  are watching. We want leaders to be open, fair, and courageous. We want to be included, not just as a formality, but because our voices matter. We want to help build a Nigeria where no one feels like a stranger in their own land.

A New Beginning Is Possible

The 2025 constitutional review is more than politics—it’s about our shared future. If we can be honest with each other, listen deeply, and stay open to every Nigerian’s story, we can come out of this process stronger and more united.

This is our moment, Let’s get it right.

The children of the poor you fail to train today will never let your children have peace.

~ Obafemi Awolowo

Our attitude toward the burdens others carry mirrors the depth of our responsibility as citizens and leaders. Pa Awolowo’s words remind us that neglecting the education and welfare of the vulnerable is not merely a governance failure but a betrayal of our future. Wounds left untreated inevitably return to haunt both the privileged and the powerless.

This is why governance in Nigeria’s broken places must move beyond ceasefires. From the villages of Plateau to the oil-slicked creeks of the Niger Delta, violence leaves scars not only on land but also on civic trust and the State’s legitimacy. These wounds won’t heal through technical fixes. They cannot mend what violence has broken in human relationships. A bridge may reconnect towns, but only trust reconnects people.

Our communities need stewards, not saviours. Leaders who listen, heal, and restore dignity. Empathy is not weakness but a deliberate choice that prioritizes listening over decrees, healing over optics, and reconciliation over electoral gains. Though often dismissed in our politics as performance, history shows empathy heals. Mandela knew this when he wore the Springboks jersey in 1995, binding pain and fear in a shared future.

Listening is not passive; it is active governance. Listening gathers intelligence beyond policy briefs: fears, hopes, grievances hidden beneath silence or wrapped in anger. Empathetic leaders don’t govern from reports alone. They attend town halls, peace dialogues, and unmediated conversations where communities speak their truth in their own language.

In places where machetes once spoke louder than ballots, a leader who cannot feel people’s pain cannot govern peaceably. Empathy does not weaken firmness; it sharpens it. In compassionate hands, power becomes a scalpel, not a cudgel. It is humane and restorative. It makes the difficult conversations necessary for reconciliation possible: between herders and farmers, displaced persons and hosts, survivors and returnees.

Some say empathy has no place in Nigeria’s tough politics, that security must come first, not dialogue. They see empathy as weakness. But empathy is no substitute for security or reform; it strengthens them. Without trust, no project or policy endures. Governor Mimiko’s tenure in Ondo, while engaging the oil-producing communities of Ilaje and Ese-Odo, demonstrated how inclusion of women’s cooperatives, local militias, and traditional councils transformed adversaries into stakeholders. His administration’s maternal health interventions were more than public health policy. They were political gestures of empathy to restore the state’s image as a caregiver.

Leadership in post-conflict Nigeria demands investment in peace education and trauma counseling. It requires leaders who see beyond ethnic arithmetic to the deeper work of stitching torn social fabrics. These yield no immediate political dividends but prevent future bloodshed. Governance at its best is stewardship of trust, memory, and futures yet unborn.

The real question for Nigeria’s future leaders is not how to wield power, but how to heal with it. Only then can power become redemptive, transformative, and leadership truly worthy of those it serves.

Ajibola Oladiipo

All professions have a tripartite model with both front-facing and back-office dynamics. I call it the 3 x 2 (3 by 2) professional matrix. Apologies if you are offended by the reference to politics as a profession, because amongst other things there has been an advocacy for a shift to part-time political officeholding as well as the concept of a ‘first address’ asides a political ‘second address’. While this is understandable given the endogenous challenges that have persistently rebuked common sense in our polity, it is also important to demystify the political landscape to improve greater understanding, participation, and commitment that can birth productive and positive change. I must mention that there is a knowledge gap about the structure of professions because many people are more familiar with practice (or in this instance, political practice), while policy and research are mostly unknown or considered insignificant. For example, I laugh when people randomly assume that a Political Scientist should ordinarily make a good politician; unfortunately, history has proved otherwise in many instances. This article explores the dynamics of the tripartite model in politics, opening vistas on significantly taken-for-granted dynamics that pave ways for proper and effective engagement in politics especially among young people.

Take a moment: consider a profession as a game – think Football. So, practice operationalizes the game: think players on the pitch. Policy deals with the rules of the game – consider referees, while research reviews the game like sport analysts. Each with its own rules of engagement and performance index. A forward player is judged by how many goals scored, while a defender is judged by how many goals or attempts stopped. A referee is judged by fair play rules enforced. A sport analyst is judged by unbiased assessment of a game. 

In and for politics, this is no different. Practice showcases politicians including aspiring and elected officials, party(wo)men, and others directly involved in politicking. Policymakers find expression in regulations and compliance such as officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and others who enforce, review, revise, and keep tabs on compliance to electoral laws, guidelines and principles. Researchers are civil society organisations, academics and other interested parties who look at both policy and practice, understand their interplay to generate meanings which can be sociological, economic or otherwise. Given their obsession with data, researchers are a warehouse of knowledge. Young people who desire to practice politics can benefit from the wealth of experience and knowledge generated by researchers to better understand the landscape and apply their insights appropriately.

As young people, understanding where you desire to play in the model is significant for appreciating your contributions to the ‘game’. This is important to enforce continuous innovation in politics. Recall for example that before now Video Assistant Referee (VAR) did not exist in Football. Your participation in the game of politics can improve the game, rules, and quality of commentaries. Would you rather remain a disinterested complainer and murmurer?

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Femi Oladele is a Public Policy Enthusiast and can be reached via email at  olafemidele@gmail.com

As Henry Kissinger reflects in his book Leadership, political legitimacy rests not only on effective governance but on the ability of leaders to embody the identity and aspirations of the people. This truth is especially urgent in Nigeria, where the gulf between citizens and the state has widened into a chasm of distrust. For many, the government feels distant and unresponsive. What our government does most of the time is to pass information without meaningful dialogue, often triggering public backlash. The promise of participatory democracy has faded, and has been replaced by elections marred by apathy and manipulation. Our democratic institutions remain in form, but their spirit is withering.

Restoring civic trust requires more than electoral reforms. It demands a renewal of public discourse, debates and engagement. Town halls and podcasts, often dismissed as trendy formats, are in fact powerful democratic tools. They create an opportunity for citizens to see, hear, and speak with those who govern them. 

In a country scarred by post-independence authoritarianism, military rule, and democratic dysfunction, such direct engagement is essential. From the annulment of the 1993 elections to the impunity of the Fourth Republic, Nigerians have learned to expect little and participate even less. The dysfunction has bred disengagement, protest voting, and a quiet retreat from public affairs. Rebuilding trust starts with leaders listening painstakingly and showing up with presence, not just power.

Town halls  should be open, participatory forums for dialogue between leaders and citizens. When properly planned and regularly convened, they offer a space where democracy becomes visible and engaging. They offer four critical benefits:

• Proximity: reducing the emotional and physical distance between leaders and constituents.
• Accountability: compelling leaders to explain actions in plain language to the people they serve especially those who do not own smartphones
• Deliberation: facilitating grassroots input on public priorities.
• Symbolic Renewal: embodying democracy as dialogue, not monologue.

But town halls must be frequent, decentralized, multilingual, inclusive, and publicly accessible online and offline. 

Unlike town halls, podcasts offer flexibility and digital scalability. Podcasts break away from the rigidity of state-owned media, allowing for plural narratives. Leaders, civil society actors, and youth voices can use this platform to humanize policy, share the story behind decisions, and engage in honest reflection. Listeners can respond via comments, emails, or social shares.

A local government chairman could host a weekly podcast explaining budgets, responding to questions, and spotlighting community heroes. The effect would not merely be informational but inspirational. Through transparency  and consistency, it will rekindle a fire in the people and restore trust in that system. 

Town halls and podcasts can rebuild trust by making leadership more present, honest, and connected. When used consistently, they shift politics from performance to participation. We would have created a political culture where leaders listen, not just to speak, and citizens are truly heard. These simple tools can transform governance into a shared, ongoing conversation, that  gather insights, clarify issues, and demonstrate commitment.

In the sacred space between call (voice) and response, democracy can be reborn.

Note: All of these are thoughts from our fellows.

Elections and the electioneering process in Nigeria have always been characterized by all forms of undemocratic activities and violence. Notable instances are the Kano riot, the Eastern Regional crisis of 1953, the Action Group crisis of 1962, the Western Nigeria election crisis of 1965, and the annulled June 12, 1993 elections.

A critical analysis of these cases exposes a pattern of violence, thuggery, intimidation and various forms of vicious assaults and scheming in our politics. As time went on, the pattern of elections began to change, especially as democracy returned in 1999. Money, which has always played a prominent role in who wins an election, took a different dimension.

Though inducement of party chiefs and other critical stakeholders has always been one of the negative uses of money during elections, giving out money to electorates in exchange of votes which has equally been a usual occurrence has now taken on a dangerous dimension, in the name of vote commoditization.

Vote buying and selling is described as an act where parties, their agents and voters engage in trading activities as men would buy and sell pepper, but here the trading commodity in this instance are votes. Since it’s transactional and money is involved, the highest bidder usually gets the highest votes. The idea of vote buying and selling to a very large extent reduced the hitherto known menace of election violence.

What however many fail to understand is that another cancerous development is fast creeping into our political system. In that it became more ‘fashionable’ to ‘buy’ votes and induce voters than to ‘arrange’ thugs to disrupt elections or snatch the ballot boxes. Our politics moved from frying pan to an ‘emerging’ fire, one that is fast becoming an inferno.

Party agents, who already know registered voters within their wards/ units, go to them and promise them certain amounts of money in exchange for votes. The amount is usually dependent on the neighborhood; that is, the social class in which the electorates belong, and also, what is at stake for the contestants. In fact, in some communities, mere sharing of material things, like clothing, wrappers, cooked food, like jollof rice on the election days, with some cash, say 5000 naira is enough to buy a voter over. How pathetic!

This development has badly damaged our system to the point that someone with little idea about governance, a man who is not in the least prepared for an elective position can wake up one day and decide to run for political office just because he has the ‘money’ to buy his way into power. Sadly, a man that buys his way into power will forever feel he does not owe the people any form of accountability. At least, he ‘paid in full’ for the votes, and a man can do whatever he likes with whatever he buys with his money. That is how far money has ruined our politics.

There are quite a number of reasons why vote buying is prevalent today. These can be seen both from the angle of the politicians and that of the electorates, since it takes two to tango. If there are no buyers, sellers will have nothing to offer, and vice versa. Past experiences, where office holders failed to fulfill campaign promises have made some voters loose trust in the electoral system. Thus, they see getting money or any other kind of inducement as their ‘only gain’ from the government. Greed, illiteracy, ignorance, poverty and negative outlook are some of other reasons people sell their votes. On the other hand, desperation, lack of ideology to run with, capitalizing on the ignorance of the people, and the fact that some politicians see politics as an investment, are some of the reasons people buy votes.

There are two levels of vote buying; the primary election level, also known as delegate level, and the general election level, which is that of the electorates. Strangely, just like common commodities, votes can also be bought on a wholesale or retail scale. When politicians and their agents deal with electorates on an individual basis, that is retail buying. Wholesale buying is when deals are made on a collective bargain. In some cases, votes can be paid for in advance or even on credit (rarely though).

Putting a stop to this problem might be a difficult one, considering all the approaches involved, but it is not an impossible task. Solution? Until Nigerians begin to see this menace as a threat to our collective existence, and serious consequences are attached to this crime, no clear change can be made.

Note: All of these are thoughts from our fellows

I still remember the day I was appointed Head Girl in my secondary school in Ilorin. I was thrilled, but also terrified. I hardly spoke in front of the crowd, yet suddenly, I had to lead assemblies, represent the school, and speak with confidence I didn’t yet have. No one had trained me — I simply had to figure it out. That experience changed my life, but it also opened my eyes to a deeper issue: too many girls are expected to lead without ever being taught how.

Across Nigeria and much of Africa, we tell our daughters to be quiet, humble, and obedient — but not necessarily to be bold, vocal, or assertive. We raise girls who are brilliant, thoughtful, and full of potential, yet many of them shrink when handed a microphone or asked to lead. Why? Because no one ever taught them they could — or should.

The leadership gap we see in politics, boardrooms, and national conversations doesn’t begin when women become adults. It begins much earlier , in the classroom, where girls often lack opportunities to develop their voices, build confidence, and take initiative. If we’re serious about raising the next generation of women leaders, we need to start by equipping girls with the tools of leadership early and one of the most powerful tools is public speaking.

Public speaking isn’t just about standing on a stage. It’s about learning to express ideas, advocate for change, and influence others — all key traits of effective leadership. When girls are trained to speak with clarity and courage, they are more likely to step into leadership roles, challenge harmful norms, and build a future where their voices are heard.

This is one of the reasons I launched She Speaks, She Leads – a grassroots initiative that provides public speaking and leadership training to young women and girls in underserved communities. At our sessions, I’ve watched shy women and teenagers transform into confident speakers after just a few days of guided practice, encouragement, and exposure to female mentors who look like them. It’s proof that confidence isn’t something you’re born with , it can be taught.

This is why we must act now! We need more schools to incorporate leadership and public speaking into their curriculum, not as an extracurricular afterthought, but as a core part of learning. Teachers, parents, policymakers, and community leaders must be intentional about creating safe spaces where girls can practice leading and speaking from an early age. If we want confident women in our parliaments and boardrooms tomorrow, we must start by training girls in our classrooms today.

It’s time we stop waiting until women are in their 30s or 40s to teach them how to lead. Let’s start in secondary schools. Let’s raise a generation of girls who not only dream of change — but can stand up, speak out, and lead it.

About the Author:

Blessing Olarewaju is a social impact leader, entrepreneur, and convener of She Speaks, She Leads — an initiative training women and girls across Kwara State in public speaking and leadership. She is passionate about raising bold female voices and building future-ready women leaders from the grassroots up.

Standing at the precipice of an extraordinary transformation with about 70% of its 220 million citizens under age 30, Nigeria commands Africa’s largest youth population; a demographic dividend that over all propels nations into unprecedented prosperity. According to the United Nations Population Fund, nations experiencing a similar youth population can achieve GDP growth rates 2-3 times the global average, when youth potential is properly harnessed. Despite this huge human capital advantage, Nigeria continues to grapple with 7.2% youth unemployment rate, 13.8% young people who are neither in employment, education, or training, and over 18 million out of school children (NBS 2023, UNICEF 2024). Certainly, this contradiction seriously jeopardizes ‘a once-in-a-generation opportunity that won’t return for centuries’, as empirical studies indicate that demographic dividends are time-bound, typically lasting only 20 to 30 years before aging populations alter the equation permanently. Countries like South Korea (1960-1990) and China (1980-2010) seized their demographic window to transform their nation from underdeveloped to developed economy. With Nigeria’s window now open, empirical evidence from the McKinsey Global Institute has suggested that failure to take decisive action within the next decade could transform these demographic dividends into a demographic disaster, increasing unemployment to 40 million by 2030.

Interestingly, strategic youth investment can accelerate national development within a single generation, this is what countries like Rwanda and Ghana as well as organizations like Tony Elumelu Foundation and the Bridge Leadership Foundation are currently empowering youths in business and leadership. Evidence reveals that young Nigeria visionaries under the age of 35 are currently unleashing unprecedented economic transformation with organization such as Paystack ($200M acquisition), Flutterwave ($3B valuation), Farmcrowdy (boost agricultural yields by 35-50%), and 200+ startups have raised over $800M since 2019. Furthermore, Nigeria’s creative revolution is staggering with the entertainment industry generating over $10B annually, providing thousands of employment opportunities. Despite these individual efforts, increased youth unemployment, skills gaps, limited capital access and brain drain are threatening to undermine this potential. In order to fully harness Nigeria’s demographic advantage, we must address infrastructure gaps and institutional bottlenecks.

Moving forward, governments at all levels must recognize youths as partners in sustainable development rather than passive recipients of government programs. Government must pivot from outdated educational models to 21st-century realities that focus on digital mastery, entrepreneurship, and critical thinking. Financial institutions must offer single digit interest loans products and youth-friendly investment opportunities that reduce barriers to creativity and innovation. Government must prioritize infrastructure investment in youth-concentrated areas, ensuring reliable power supply, internet connectivity and transportation networks, which are needed for productivity. By policy design, the government must create a guaranteed market access for youth enterprises to encourage business startup and growth as well as create political structures that accommodate meaningful youth representation in decision-making processes. Countries like South Korea and China successfully harnessed their demographic dividends through investment in human capital and infrastructure. At a defining crossroads, Nigeria can either choose to view its youth population as a burden that requires management or as visionary architects of renaissance.

In a country where traditional politics often feel distant from everyday people, social media has become the new town hall, a space to amplify voices, share ideas, and spark civic change. Digital democracy means using digital tools, especially social media, to promote democratic participation and political engagement. Civic change is meaningful social progress achieved when citizens actively participate, especially marginalized groups, to reshape policies and systems that better serve everyone’s rights and needs.

In Nigeria, where youth under 35 make up over 70% of the population, the power of digital democracy lies squarely in their hands. Nigeria faces major challenges like corruption, police brutality, poor governance, electoral fraud, and youth unemployment. These issues have caused apathy, but social media platforms like X, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, and WhatsApp are transforming civic engagement and empowering a new generation of activists.

 The 2020 #EndSARS movement shows digital democracy in action, starting as a hashtag and growing into a major youth protest against police brutality. Using social media, young Nigerians organized protests, raised funds, and gained global support without central leadership. Campaigns like #NotTooYoungToRun and #EndBadGovernance also highlights how youth voices online can shape national policy.

Key Elements of Civic Change:

1. Civic Participation: Involvement in voting, protests, petitions, and public discussions.

2. Advocacy: Pushing for legal, policy, or societal reforms.

3. Accountability: Demanding transparency and responsible leadership.

4. Inclusion: Promoting fairness for all, especially women, youth, people with disabilities, and marginalized groups.

As Nelson Mandela said, “Sometimes it falls upon a generation to be great.” For Nigerian youth, that time is now. Despite challenges like the 2021 Twitter ban and proposed strict social media rules, these actions highlight the need to protect online spaces for civic participation. Limiting online voices hampers democracy, which relies on free expression. In 2023, over 10 million young Nigerians registered to vote after online mobilization, showing that digital tools spark change, but real impact happens when online activism turns into offline action.

How Youths Can Use Social Media for Civic Change

1. Share clear, accurate info about rights, policies, and governance.

2. Use respectful language and avoid insults or hate.

3. Tag public officials politely. Ask questions and offer ideas.

4. Post real-life issues affecting you or your community.

5. Connect with others working for change. Join civic groups online.

6. Track government promises and share facts to encourage transparency.

For leaders and institutions, this era is an opportunity, not a threat. They should embrace digital feedback, communicate openly, and use social media for dialogue, not just propaganda. As Barack Obama said, strong democracies thrive on open debate and unity despite differences.

I believe that digital democracy goes beyond tweeting at politicians; it’s about using online spaces to build trust, demand justice, mobilize others, and actively engage in governance. For young Nigerians, democracy is a daily responsibility not a spectator sport. The digital pen is now in the people’s hands, let’s maximize it!

Do we ever get to the bridge? A question that shifts my mind as it appears that the goalpost keeps shifting to dissuade competent engagement in the political arena. The challenge however is a mirage, keep walking or running towards it and it disappears.

Slightly different from the ‘end of the tunnel’ narrative, I theorize that what we do preparing to ‘cross’ is more important than what we say we will do when we get ‘there’ before we get ‘there’. A significant driver for effective political leadership is the ability to prospect political competence for future challenges, opportunities, and engagements. It is simply not enough to ‘say’ what will be done; much more than that, is the ability to gain the competence to under promise, but overdeliver.

As you plan to achieve a feat, including political leadership, the many ‘what ifs’ stand staring and intimidating, but to successfully swim through the skirmishes of overanalyzes or the demanding stares of “have you got this covered?’, ‘we will cross the bridge when we get there” provides consolation of some sort. While this might appear as a convenient dismissal of responsibility, I propose it as a gateway to ensure undivided focus in preparing for what is likely to come. With the dynamics of rapidly changing socio-economic and political landscapes, we understand that we cannot reliably overpredict hence need to manage expectations within confines of comfort. Political leadership in the global South is fraught with significant challenges, nay, opportunities especially for young people in governance and leadership. Getting it all figured out feels cool, but history acquaints us that those who project perfection, instead of prospect competence failed the most.

Is it possible that our expectation for political leaders to ‘know it all’ or ‘have it all figured out’ is a trapping that has kept us from allowing them to prospect for leadership skills to help them help us ‘cross’? A paradigm shift is required to see that ‘we will cross the bridge when we get there’ is not tantamount to laziness, but an appreciation of the dynamics of the situation, a call to further study the situation, generate ideas, analyze alternatives, and make informed decisions for how to ‘cross’. This gives leaders the opportunity to prospect for skills to help them tackle dynamic challenges for good.

Do not be pressured to have everything figured out, but not lazily nor unprepared. When I say, ‘I will cross the bridge when I get there’, it is from a place of appreciation for the learning resources, exposure, networks, and opportunities that The Bridge Leadership Fellowship (TBLF) has put together for me as a 2025 Fellow of the Emerging Political Leaders Fellowship. I am learning political skills and building competence for effective political leadership.  

Are you willing, ready, and able to cross the bridge when you get there? Join the waitlist for the 2026 Cohort.

Femi Oladele is a Public Policy Enthusiast and can be reached via email at  olafemidele@gmail.com