As Henry Kissinger reflects in his book Leadership, political legitimacy rests not only on effective governance but on the ability of leaders to embody the identity and aspirations of the people. This truth is especially urgent in Nigeria, where the gulf between citizens and the state has widened into a chasm of distrust. For many, the government feels distant and unresponsive. What our government does most of the time is to pass information without meaningful dialogue, often triggering public backlash. The promise of participatory democracy has faded, and has been replaced by elections marred by apathy and manipulation. Our democratic institutions remain in form, but their spirit is withering.

Restoring civic trust requires more than electoral reforms. It demands a renewal of public discourse, debates and engagement. Town halls and podcasts, often dismissed as trendy formats, are in fact powerful democratic tools. They create an opportunity for citizens to see, hear, and speak with those who govern them. 

In a country scarred by post-independence authoritarianism, military rule, and democratic dysfunction, such direct engagement is essential. From the annulment of the 1993 elections to the impunity of the Fourth Republic, Nigerians have learned to expect little and participate even less. The dysfunction has bred disengagement, protest voting, and a quiet retreat from public affairs. Rebuilding trust starts with leaders listening painstakingly and showing up with presence, not just power.

Town halls  should be open, participatory forums for dialogue between leaders and citizens. When properly planned and regularly convened, they offer a space where democracy becomes visible and engaging. They offer four critical benefits:

• Proximity: reducing the emotional and physical distance between leaders and constituents.
• Accountability: compelling leaders to explain actions in plain language to the people they serve especially those who do not own smartphones
• Deliberation: facilitating grassroots input on public priorities.
• Symbolic Renewal: embodying democracy as dialogue, not monologue.

But town halls must be frequent, decentralized, multilingual, inclusive, and publicly accessible online and offline. 

Unlike town halls, podcasts offer flexibility and digital scalability. Podcasts break away from the rigidity of state-owned media, allowing for plural narratives. Leaders, civil society actors, and youth voices can use this platform to humanize policy, share the story behind decisions, and engage in honest reflection. Listeners can respond via comments, emails, or social shares.

A local government chairman could host a weekly podcast explaining budgets, responding to questions, and spotlighting community heroes. The effect would not merely be informational but inspirational. Through transparency  and consistency, it will rekindle a fire in the people and restore trust in that system. 

Town halls and podcasts can rebuild trust by making leadership more present, honest, and connected. When used consistently, they shift politics from performance to participation. We would have created a political culture where leaders listen, not just to speak, and citizens are truly heard. These simple tools can transform governance into a shared, ongoing conversation, that  gather insights, clarify issues, and demonstrate commitment.

In the sacred space between call (voice) and response, democracy can be reborn.

Note: All of these are thoughts from our fellows.

Elections and the electioneering process in Nigeria have always been characterized by all forms of undemocratic activities and violence. Notable instances are the Kano riot, the Eastern Regional crisis of 1953, the Action Group crisis of 1962, the Western Nigeria election crisis of 1965, and the annulled June 12, 1993 elections.

A critical analysis of these cases exposes a pattern of violence, thuggery, intimidation and various forms of vicious assaults and scheming in our politics. As time went on, the pattern of elections began to change, especially as democracy returned in 1999. Money, which has always played a prominent role in who wins an election, took a different dimension.

Though inducement of party chiefs and other critical stakeholders has always been one of the negative uses of money during elections, giving out money to electorates in exchange of votes which has equally been a usual occurrence has now taken on a dangerous dimension, in the name of vote commoditization.

Vote buying and selling is described as an act where parties, their agents and voters engage in trading activities as men would buy and sell pepper, but here the trading commodity in this instance are votes. Since it’s transactional and money is involved, the highest bidder usually gets the highest votes. The idea of vote buying and selling to a very large extent reduced the hitherto known menace of election violence.

What however many fail to understand is that another cancerous development is fast creeping into our political system. In that it became more ‘fashionable’ to ‘buy’ votes and induce voters than to ‘arrange’ thugs to disrupt elections or snatch the ballot boxes. Our politics moved from frying pan to an ‘emerging’ fire, one that is fast becoming an inferno.

Party agents, who already know registered voters within their wards/ units, go to them and promise them certain amounts of money in exchange for votes. The amount is usually dependent on the neighborhood; that is, the social class in which the electorates belong, and also, what is at stake for the contestants. In fact, in some communities, mere sharing of material things, like clothing, wrappers, cooked food, like jollof rice on the election days, with some cash, say 5000 naira is enough to buy a voter over. How pathetic!

This development has badly damaged our system to the point that someone with little idea about governance, a man who is not in the least prepared for an elective position can wake up one day and decide to run for political office just because he has the ‘money’ to buy his way into power. Sadly, a man that buys his way into power will forever feel he does not owe the people any form of accountability. At least, he ‘paid in full’ for the votes, and a man can do whatever he likes with whatever he buys with his money. That is how far money has ruined our politics.

There are quite a number of reasons why vote buying is prevalent today. These can be seen both from the angle of the politicians and that of the electorates, since it takes two to tango. If there are no buyers, sellers will have nothing to offer, and vice versa. Past experiences, where office holders failed to fulfill campaign promises have made some voters loose trust in the electoral system. Thus, they see getting money or any other kind of inducement as their ‘only gain’ from the government. Greed, illiteracy, ignorance, poverty and negative outlook are some of other reasons people sell their votes. On the other hand, desperation, lack of ideology to run with, capitalizing on the ignorance of the people, and the fact that some politicians see politics as an investment, are some of the reasons people buy votes.

There are two levels of vote buying; the primary election level, also known as delegate level, and the general election level, which is that of the electorates. Strangely, just like common commodities, votes can also be bought on a wholesale or retail scale. When politicians and their agents deal with electorates on an individual basis, that is retail buying. Wholesale buying is when deals are made on a collective bargain. In some cases, votes can be paid for in advance or even on credit (rarely though).

Putting a stop to this problem might be a difficult one, considering all the approaches involved, but it is not an impossible task. Solution? Until Nigerians begin to see this menace as a threat to our collective existence, and serious consequences are attached to this crime, no clear change can be made.

Note: All of these are thoughts from our fellows

I still remember the day I was appointed Head Girl in my secondary school in Ilorin. I was thrilled, but also terrified. I hardly spoke in front of the crowd, yet suddenly, I had to lead assemblies, represent the school, and speak with confidence I didn’t yet have. No one had trained me — I simply had to figure it out. That experience changed my life, but it also opened my eyes to a deeper issue: too many girls are expected to lead without ever being taught how.

Across Nigeria and much of Africa, we tell our daughters to be quiet, humble, and obedient — but not necessarily to be bold, vocal, or assertive. We raise girls who are brilliant, thoughtful, and full of potential, yet many of them shrink when handed a microphone or asked to lead. Why? Because no one ever taught them they could — or should.

The leadership gap we see in politics, boardrooms, and national conversations doesn’t begin when women become adults. It begins much earlier , in the classroom, where girls often lack opportunities to develop their voices, build confidence, and take initiative. If we’re serious about raising the next generation of women leaders, we need to start by equipping girls with the tools of leadership early and one of the most powerful tools is public speaking.

Public speaking isn’t just about standing on a stage. It’s about learning to express ideas, advocate for change, and influence others — all key traits of effective leadership. When girls are trained to speak with clarity and courage, they are more likely to step into leadership roles, challenge harmful norms, and build a future where their voices are heard.

This is one of the reasons I launched She Speaks, She Leads – a grassroots initiative that provides public speaking and leadership training to young women and girls in underserved communities. At our sessions, I’ve watched shy women and teenagers transform into confident speakers after just a few days of guided practice, encouragement, and exposure to female mentors who look like them. It’s proof that confidence isn’t something you’re born with , it can be taught.

This is why we must act now! We need more schools to incorporate leadership and public speaking into their curriculum, not as an extracurricular afterthought, but as a core part of learning. Teachers, parents, policymakers, and community leaders must be intentional about creating safe spaces where girls can practice leading and speaking from an early age. If we want confident women in our parliaments and boardrooms tomorrow, we must start by training girls in our classrooms today.

It’s time we stop waiting until women are in their 30s or 40s to teach them how to lead. Let’s start in secondary schools. Let’s raise a generation of girls who not only dream of change — but can stand up, speak out, and lead it.

About the Author:

Blessing Olarewaju is a social impact leader, entrepreneur, and convener of She Speaks, She Leads — an initiative training women and girls across Kwara State in public speaking and leadership. She is passionate about raising bold female voices and building future-ready women leaders from the grassroots up.

Standing at the precipice of an extraordinary transformation with about 70% of its 220 million citizens under age 30, Nigeria commands Africa’s largest youth population; a demographic dividend that over all propels nations into unprecedented prosperity. According to the United Nations Population Fund, nations experiencing a similar youth population can achieve GDP growth rates 2-3 times the global average, when youth potential is properly harnessed. Despite this huge human capital advantage, Nigeria continues to grapple with 7.2% youth unemployment rate, 13.8% young people who are neither in employment, education, or training, and over 18 million out of school children (NBS 2023, UNICEF 2024). Certainly, this contradiction seriously jeopardizes ‘a once-in-a-generation opportunity that won’t return for centuries’, as empirical studies indicate that demographic dividends are time-bound, typically lasting only 20 to 30 years before aging populations alter the equation permanently. Countries like South Korea (1960-1990) and China (1980-2010) seized their demographic window to transform their nation from underdeveloped to developed economy. With Nigeria’s window now open, empirical evidence from the McKinsey Global Institute has suggested that failure to take decisive action within the next decade could transform these demographic dividends into a demographic disaster, increasing unemployment to 40 million by 2030.

Interestingly, strategic youth investment can accelerate national development within a single generation, this is what countries like Rwanda and Ghana as well as organizations like Tony Elumelu Foundation and the Bridge Leadership Foundation are currently empowering youths in business and leadership. Evidence reveals that young Nigeria visionaries under the age of 35 are currently unleashing unprecedented economic transformation with organization such as Paystack ($200M acquisition), Flutterwave ($3B valuation), Farmcrowdy (boost agricultural yields by 35-50%), and 200+ startups have raised over $800M since 2019. Furthermore, Nigeria’s creative revolution is staggering with the entertainment industry generating over $10B annually, providing thousands of employment opportunities. Despite these individual efforts, increased youth unemployment, skills gaps, limited capital access and brain drain are threatening to undermine this potential. In order to fully harness Nigeria’s demographic advantage, we must address infrastructure gaps and institutional bottlenecks.

Moving forward, governments at all levels must recognize youths as partners in sustainable development rather than passive recipients of government programs. Government must pivot from outdated educational models to 21st-century realities that focus on digital mastery, entrepreneurship, and critical thinking. Financial institutions must offer single digit interest loans products and youth-friendly investment opportunities that reduce barriers to creativity and innovation. Government must prioritize infrastructure investment in youth-concentrated areas, ensuring reliable power supply, internet connectivity and transportation networks, which are needed for productivity. By policy design, the government must create a guaranteed market access for youth enterprises to encourage business startup and growth as well as create political structures that accommodate meaningful youth representation in decision-making processes. Countries like South Korea and China successfully harnessed their demographic dividends through investment in human capital and infrastructure. At a defining crossroads, Nigeria can either choose to view its youth population as a burden that requires management or as visionary architects of renaissance.

In a country where traditional politics often feel distant from everyday people, social media has become the new town hall, a space to amplify voices, share ideas, and spark civic change. Digital democracy means using digital tools, especially social media, to promote democratic participation and political engagement. Civic change is meaningful social progress achieved when citizens actively participate, especially marginalized groups, to reshape policies and systems that better serve everyone’s rights and needs.

In Nigeria, where youth under 35 make up over 70% of the population, the power of digital democracy lies squarely in their hands. Nigeria faces major challenges like corruption, police brutality, poor governance, electoral fraud, and youth unemployment. These issues have caused apathy, but social media platforms like X, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, and WhatsApp are transforming civic engagement and empowering a new generation of activists.

 The 2020 #EndSARS movement shows digital democracy in action, starting as a hashtag and growing into a major youth protest against police brutality. Using social media, young Nigerians organized protests, raised funds, and gained global support without central leadership. Campaigns like #NotTooYoungToRun and #EndBadGovernance also highlights how youth voices online can shape national policy.

Key Elements of Civic Change:

1. Civic Participation: Involvement in voting, protests, petitions, and public discussions.

2. Advocacy: Pushing for legal, policy, or societal reforms.

3. Accountability: Demanding transparency and responsible leadership.

4. Inclusion: Promoting fairness for all, especially women, youth, people with disabilities, and marginalized groups.

As Nelson Mandela said, “Sometimes it falls upon a generation to be great.” For Nigerian youth, that time is now. Despite challenges like the 2021 Twitter ban and proposed strict social media rules, these actions highlight the need to protect online spaces for civic participation. Limiting online voices hampers democracy, which relies on free expression. In 2023, over 10 million young Nigerians registered to vote after online mobilization, showing that digital tools spark change, but real impact happens when online activism turns into offline action.

How Youths Can Use Social Media for Civic Change

1. Share clear, accurate info about rights, policies, and governance.

2. Use respectful language and avoid insults or hate.

3. Tag public officials politely. Ask questions and offer ideas.

4. Post real-life issues affecting you or your community.

5. Connect with others working for change. Join civic groups online.

6. Track government promises and share facts to encourage transparency.

For leaders and institutions, this era is an opportunity, not a threat. They should embrace digital feedback, communicate openly, and use social media for dialogue, not just propaganda. As Barack Obama said, strong democracies thrive on open debate and unity despite differences.

I believe that digital democracy goes beyond tweeting at politicians; it’s about using online spaces to build trust, demand justice, mobilize others, and actively engage in governance. For young Nigerians, democracy is a daily responsibility not a spectator sport. The digital pen is now in the people’s hands, let’s maximize it!

Do we ever get to the bridge? A question that shifts my mind as it appears that the goalpost keeps shifting to dissuade competent engagement in the political arena. The challenge however is a mirage, keep walking or running towards it and it disappears.

Slightly different from the ‘end of the tunnel’ narrative, I theorize that what we do preparing to ‘cross’ is more important than what we say we will do when we get ‘there’ before we get ‘there’. A significant driver for effective political leadership is the ability to prospect political competence for future challenges, opportunities, and engagements. It is simply not enough to ‘say’ what will be done; much more than that, is the ability to gain the competence to under promise, but overdeliver.

As you plan to achieve a feat, including political leadership, the many ‘what ifs’ stand staring and intimidating, but to successfully swim through the skirmishes of overanalyzes or the demanding stares of “have you got this covered?’, ‘we will cross the bridge when we get there” provides consolation of some sort. While this might appear as a convenient dismissal of responsibility, I propose it as a gateway to ensure undivided focus in preparing for what is likely to come. With the dynamics of rapidly changing socio-economic and political landscapes, we understand that we cannot reliably overpredict hence need to manage expectations within confines of comfort. Political leadership in the global South is fraught with significant challenges, nay, opportunities especially for young people in governance and leadership. Getting it all figured out feels cool, but history acquaints us that those who project perfection, instead of prospect competence failed the most.

Is it possible that our expectation for political leaders to ‘know it all’ or ‘have it all figured out’ is a trapping that has kept us from allowing them to prospect for leadership skills to help them help us ‘cross’? A paradigm shift is required to see that ‘we will cross the bridge when we get there’ is not tantamount to laziness, but an appreciation of the dynamics of the situation, a call to further study the situation, generate ideas, analyze alternatives, and make informed decisions for how to ‘cross’. This gives leaders the opportunity to prospect for skills to help them tackle dynamic challenges for good.

Do not be pressured to have everything figured out, but not lazily nor unprepared. When I say, ‘I will cross the bridge when I get there’, it is from a place of appreciation for the learning resources, exposure, networks, and opportunities that The Bridge Leadership Fellowship (TBLF) has put together for me as a 2025 Fellow of the Emerging Political Leaders Fellowship. I am learning political skills and building competence for effective political leadership.  

Are you willing, ready, and able to cross the bridge when you get there? Join the waitlist for the 2026 Cohort.

Femi Oladele is a Public Policy Enthusiast and can be reached via email at  olafemidele@gmail.com

The Bridge Leadership Foundation has once again proven its commitment to nurturing the next generation of leaders. After a highly competitive selection process, 25 exceptional individuals have been welcomed into the fourth cohort of the Emerging Political Leaders Fellowship Program. These trailblazers are ready to challenge the status quo and drive meaningful change in their communities.

Their journey began with a vision to empower future leaders and drive positive transformation. Through comprehensive virtual training sessions and an intensive Boot Camp, they will gain the skills, knowledge, and network necessary to succeed. With diverse perspectives, skills, and experiences, these emerging leaders are poised to make a lasting impact.

As they embark on this journey, they join a community of visionary leaders who dare to dream big. With passion, dedication, and hard work, they will shape a brighter future for themselves and their communities. The Bridge Leadership Foundation’s commitment to nurturing talent is inspiring, and the impact of this program will be felt for generations to come.

The Future is Bright

The Emerging Political Leaders Fellowship Program is more than just a leadership development initiative – it’s a movement. It’s a proof to the power of young leaders who are determined to drive positive change. As these fellows learn, grow, and collaborate, they will become the catalysts for a brighter future.

Their stories will inspire others, and their achievements will be a beacon of hope for generations to come. The Bridge Leadership Foundation’s investment in these emerging leaders is an investment in the future of our communities and our nation. We can’t wait to see the incredible things they’ll achieve!

The year 2024 proved to be a pivotal moment in the advancement of electoral democracy across Africa, with 17 countries successfully organizing and conducting national elections, most of which delivered results in a free and fair contest despite opposing predictions. It was a year that highlighted the innate capacity of Africans to facilitate peaceful transitions of power through popular, free, fair, inclusive, and credible electoral processes. This was evident in Ghana, where the opposition, led by former President John Dramani Mahama, secured the presidency, unseating the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP); in Botswana, where the opposition party ended the Botswana Democratic Party’s (BDP) 58-year rule; in South Africa, where the African National Congress (ANC) lost its parliamentary majority for the first time, necessitating the move to seek coalition partners to form a government; and in other parts of the continent where elections were held. 

According to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance, more than 180 million citizens were eligible to participate in the 2024 elections held across 17 countries in the African region. Although over 40% of this number were unable to vote for various reasons, the growing voter-eligible population predominantly composed of youth and the willingness expressed by citizens to engage in the electoral process remain a shining source of tangible hope for Africa’s electoral democracy. The successes achieved and the outcomes of the 2024 elections across the continent highlighted a progressive elevation of democratic ideals, reinforcing my belief that civic engagement and democratic dialogue are not merely political processes but essential lifelines and institutional pathways for sustaining electoral democracy in Africa and beyond.

*Elections: The New Voice for Young People in Africa*

In his “Give Us the Ballot” speech in May 1957, Martin Luther King Jr. said, “So long as I do not firmly and irrevocably possess the right to vote, I do not possess myself. I cannot make up my mind, it is made up for me. I cannot live as a democratic citizen, observing the laws I have helped to enact. I can only submit to the edict of others.” His words, spoken more than three score years ago, resonate deeply with the political reality of African youth, one they have endured, now understand, and continue to grapple with and fight for.

Lessons from the past year demonstrate that young Africans are taking their political destinies into their own hands by owning their politics and its processes. With over 40% of the total voters recorded across the 17 countries where elections were held being under 35 years old, it is fair to say that African youth are taking intentional political action, this time through the ballot. The youth have proven that elections are more than periodic events to choose leaders; they are a testament to the power of the people representing hope, a chance to reset, and an opportunity to redirect the course of governance toward progress for the benefit of the next generation.

The 2024 elections provided a platform for marginalized voices to be heard, for young people to take ownership of their destinies, and for the dreams of over 380 million citizens to find expression. Were the youth able to take advantage of this platform and the opportunities that 2024 provided? Absolutely! The outcomes of the elections held across the continent clearly reflect a new paradigm: a dispensation where leaders can be elected and held accountable, and citizens can demand governance that prioritizes their needs over personal or political interests. This progress was only possible because the youth were actively involved in demanding and working toward elections that were free, fair, and credible, as well as voting for candidates who aligned with their political and economic aspirations.

*Democracy: The Unfolding Institution and Opportunities that Lie Ahead*

Democracy is not just about majority rule; it is about creating systems that prioritize justice, fairness, and opportunities for all. As Mahatma Gandhi aptly puts it, “Democracy gives the weak the same chance as the strong.” It empowers citizens to become active participants in decision-making, shaping policies that reflect their realities and ambitions. It ensures that leaders are not mere rulers but servants of the people, bound by laws and principles that uphold the dignity and rights of every citizen while fostering opportunities for sustainable development.

I believe that true democracy is the antidote to decades of corruption, inequality, and bad governance in Africa. It offers young people a fair chance to challenge the status quo and demand transparency, accountability, and good governance. Africa’s youth population is one of the largest in the world, presenting an unparalleled opportunity for the youth to correct the wrongs of the past and write Africa’s democratic story on a clean canvas. A canvas intentionally designed to accommodate the opinions and aspirations of countrymen and women, irrespective of religion, ethnicity, culture, or disabilities. It is an opportunity to decisively tackle voter apathy, electoral violence, and weak institutions that threaten democracy’s promise for Africa.

This is why we must focus on empowering young citizens through civic education, ensuring that elections are popular and transparent, and building institutions capable of withstanding the pressures of bad actors. As history demonstrates, political revolutions and democratic transformations are often led by young people. Africa’s youth are her greatest resource, a resource that must be harnessed with skill, intellect, and grace to build sustainable systems that preserve and promote good governance in a progressive democracy.

Admittedly, democracy has its challenges; to deny that would be akin to denying the inherent imperfection of politics. The noisiness, exhaustive campaigns, tedious legislative procedures, political maneuvering, gerrymandering, and the often unequal representation of minority groups remain pressing issues. However, while these challenges exist, democracy, in its authenticity, offers an opportunity for remediation. Yes, democracy is noisy, but its noisy nature fosters constructive dialogue, a dialogue capable of addressing all internally generated issues effectively.

Democracy is not a Western concept far from it. It is a universal principle rooted in the idea that every human being deserves dignity, freedom, and a voice. This principle was generously exemplified through the republican and collaborative structures of governance in pre colonial Igbo and other settlements across Africa. As history affirms, ancient monarchies in Africa, though without elections, practiced different variations of indirect democratic leadership.

Democracy, like every fundamental aspect of humanity, has evolved over time, shaped by innovations and internal regulations that determine each society’s democratic trajectory. To keep up with modern-day democracy and the challenges it poses, African youth must rise above apathy and embrace the power of active citizenship in a modern democracy. We must demand systems that prioritize people over politics and governance that serve rather than rules.

We must collaborate with local stakeholders to make our elections more affordable and ensure the voting process is easier and more credible through the use of technology. African youth must believe in their democracy not as a foreign import, but as a local system that has evolved and work diligently to preserve it. We must be visibly involved in efforts to improve our elections and build the capacity needed to address prevalent issues.

In this dispensation, elections and democracy in Africa should not merely be about politicking; they should be about creating a legacy. They should aim to give the next generation a continent they can be proud of, one that upholds justice, equity, and the boundless potential of its vibrant youth.

As Nelson Mandela said, “The right of a person to vote freely in democratic elections, to express him or herself without hindrance, to gather and associate as one wishes, to move freely in one’s land these are precious freedoms that lift the human spirit and give expression to our God-given rights.”

It is through elections that we acknowledge our responsibility and pursue our aspirations with hope. Through democracy, we express that hope and bring our aspirations to life.

Daberechi Kingsley Ekejiuba is a Democracy and Good Governance Advocate; 

Advocate of Free, Fair, Inclusive, Violence-free and Credible Elections in Nigeria and across Africa. He is an Alumnus of the Emerging Political Leaders Fellowship 2024

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) remains a deeply entrenched practice in Nigeria, with devastating health implications and a blatant violation of women’s sexual and reproductive rights. Despite global and local efforts to eradicate this harmful tradition, the generational continuation of FGM persists, with recent studies revealing a 40% continuation rate among mutilated women who have daughters. This alarming statistic underscores the urgent need for sustained advocacy, education, and policy interventions to break the cycle of this harmful course.

As a dedicated lawyer and young politician in Nigeria, I have consistently championed the cause of women’s rights and the elimination of social and economic barriers that hinder their progress and my commitment to ending FGM and other harmful practices against women in Africa is unwavering. As an ardent social researcher, I have come to find out that Female genital mutilation is not just a health issue but a social convention deeply rooted in cultural norms and beliefs.  

The persistence of FGM in Nigeria can be attributed to several factors, including the influence of social norms and the personal experiences of women who have undergone the practice. Many women who have experienced FGM may not perceive it as humiliating, especially if it was performed by trained medical personnel. In some conservative communities, mothers even justify the practice by claiming it helped them remain virgins before marriage, thereby promoting marital fidelity and premarital fertility. These beliefs, though deeply flawed, highlight the complex social dynamics that perpetuate FGM.  

However, the physical, psychological, and emotional toll of FGM on women and girls cannot be overstated. The practice has no health benefits and is associated with severe complications, including chronic pain, infections, childbirth complications, and psychological trauma. It is a violation of human rights and a barrier to gender equality.  

The responsibility of addressing FGM is multifaceted. Here are some possible steps to addressing the committee:  

1. Education and Awareness Campaigns: Empowering communities with accurate information about the dangers of FGM and its violation of women’s rights is crucial. By engaging community leaders, religious institutions, and local organizations, we can challenge the social norms that sustain this practice.  

2. Legal Reforms and Enforcement: Strengthening existing laws against FGM and ensuring their enforcement is essential. Legal frameworks must be complemented by grassroots advocacy to ensure that laws are not just on paper but are effectively implemented.  

3. Support for Survivors: Providing medical, psychological, and economic support to FGM survivors is critical. This includes access to healthcare services, counseling, and economic empowerment programmes to help survivors rebuild their lives.  

4. Engaging Men and Boys: Ending FGM requires the involvement of all members of society, including men and boys. By educating them about the harms of FGM and encouraging them to become allies in the fight against it, we can foster a more inclusive movement for change.  

5. ⁠Whistleblowing: The idea of see something, say something should be encouraged and drafted into our laws. This is to afford persons who report to the relevant agencies, the right protection against discrimination such as mob action.

My vision as a young woman in politics is a Nigeria and indeed, an Africa where women and girls are free from all forms of violence and discrimination. I believe that the wellbeing of young women is integral to the progress of any society. By addressing FGM and other harmful practices, we can create a future where every girl has the opportunity to thrive, free from fear and pain.  

The fight against FGM is not just a women’s issue; it is a societal issue that demands collective action. Together, we can break the cycle of generational continuation and ensure that no girl has to endure the physical and emotional scars of FGM. 

Juliet Isi Ikhayere Asekomeh’s commitment to this cause is a beacon of hope, and her leadership serves as a reminder that change is possible when we stand united for justice and equality. Let us join hands to end FGM in Nigeria and across Africa, reaffirming our commitment to the rights, dignity, and wellbeing of every woman and girl.

“Nigeria: The Need for a Social Contract” is more than a title; it’s a call to action—and a vital one at that.

At the 2024 Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Conference, Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala delivered a thought-provoking keynote address. She shared an intriguing observation from her visit to Peru, a country that, despite experiencing six presidential changes within seven years, has maintained a stable economy and robust GDP. This paradox led her to ask Peru’s leaders how they achieved economic stability amidst political instability. Their answer was simple yet profound: a social contract.

This concept raises an essential question for Nigeria: what exactly is a social contract, and why does it matter?

A social contract is an implicit agreement among members of a society to cooperate and adhere to shared rules and norms. It is a voluntary pact that governs how individuals interact with one another and with their institutions.

The philosopher Thomas Hobbes famously argued that, without a social contract, life would be “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” Hobbes believed such an agreement could create a more equal and just society—a perspective I wholeheartedly embrace as an Emerging Political Leaders Fellow.

For a nation like Nigeria, the need for a social contract is not just theoretical; it is a practical imperative. To build a thriving and equitable society, we must examine the core elements of a social contract:

Key Elements of a Social Contract:

• Mutual Protection: A collective commitment to safeguard each other’s interests.
• Cooperation: A unified effort to ensure mutual safety, security, and progress.
• Shared Values and Norms: A clear purpose, mission, and vision understood and upheld by all.
• Rule of Law: Governance based on laws that are clear, publicized, and equally applicable to everyone. These laws must protect individual rights, freedoms, and dignity, and they must be enacted and enforced impartially.
• Accountability: Leaders and institutions must be answerable to the people and the law.

Implications of a Social Contract:

A well-defined social contract has far-reaching benefits:

• Legitimacy of Authority: Prevents the abuse of power and ensures that leadership is respected.
• Protection of Individual Rights and Freedoms: Promotes justice and fairness for all.
• Social Justice: Safeguards human rights and ensures equity.
• Collective Responsibility: Encourages economic growth, stability, and security.

A social contract is more than a theoretical framework; it is the bedrock of a functional society. It shapes our understanding of governance, community, and individual relationships.

By embracing the principles of a social contract, Nigerians can redefine their responsibilities to one another and to the nation. This is a call to action—a challenge to collectively decide what our social contract should entail and to uphold its terms, no matter the circumstances.

The future of Nigeria depends on this shared commitment. Let us rise to the occasion.